Speaking at the signing ceremony to sign a power-sharing agreement in Harare - attended by hundreds of dignitaries - Tsvangirai and Mugabe had to say the following.

PRime Minister Tsvangirai said:

“I would like to thank the people of Zimbabwe for adhering to the principles of peaceful, democratic development. We had two options: To put aside our differences … or to plunge our country into the abyss of a failed state. ”

He quoted Mugabe in 1980: “Let us turn our swords into ploughshares”.

“I have signed this agreement because my belief in Zimbabwe and its people runs deeper than the scars I bear from these struggles.”

“Today every one of us has a decision to make … shall we be driven by the hope of a new, better, brighter country. The hope of a new beginning.”

“Let us invent a common future. This does not mean we must forget about the past decades of hardship.”

“The agreement we signed today is the product of painful compromise. It does not provide an instant cure. The road ahead will be long. Patience is a virture.”

“Hope alone will not deliver a new Zimbabwe.”

“This new, inclusive government will introduce a new way of governing.”

“As prime minister designate I call on all supporters for Zanu-PF and MDC to unite as Zimbabweans. Divisions, polarisation and hatred belong to the past.”

“Party divisions no longer matter to the people of Zimbabwe.”

“The hand with which I signed this agreement is the hand which I extend to President Mugabe.”

Then it was the turn of Mugabe, who said:

“This gathering is a re-enactment, in my view, of that togetherness, the partnership, the co-operation that has seen processes taking place here leading here to a number of our countries achieving their independence.”

“Yesterday, as we of Zimbabwe sought to liberate ourselves and the fight was between us, the people of Zimbabwe and the oppressors, it was the frontline states who, together with us, shaped the struggle, that led to our independence.”

“We, the Zimbabweans, decided that it was not right and proper, never just at all, for a people like ourselves to bear the yolk of colonialism and oppression.”

“Today, as we were faced and confronted by an intractable foe, here we are once again. They (the frontline states)are with us.”

“I don’t see any British among them!”

“African problems must be solved by Africans.”

“The problem that we have now is a problem that has been created by a former colonial power wanting to continue to interfere in our domestic affairs.”

“Zimbabwe’s land belongs to Zimbabweans”.

“They spoke of regime change and they are still speaking of it. They imposed sanctions. We had not attacked Britain, we had not done anything to Britain. We had not attacked America. Why, why, why the hand of the Americans here? Let us ask that.”

“We sat down with him. We tried to explain. What he wanted, we didn’t want also. Finally we found areas of agreement and areas of disagreement.”

“There are a lot of things in the agreement that I did not like and still do not like.”

“I said I will never attack an African leadeer in public.” (refering to Botswana’s Ian Khama)

“Botswana, Botswana, Botswana! Ooooooh.”

“Democracy in Africa. Its a difficult proposition, because always the opposition will want much more than what it deserves. The opposition will want to be ruling party and it will devise ways and means of getting there. Including violence. I’m not just refering to the system as we see it in Africa.”

“We are committed to the deal. We will do our best. We know that for the two MDCs, its the first time that you are coming into government. You don’t start from nothing. You start from experience. Certain things may have well well done, that’s experience. Certain things may not have been done well, that’s experience.”

“If this unity is going to last. This salient principles must be observed along the way. Zimbabwe is a sovereign state and only the people of Zimbabwe have the fundamental right to govern it. They alone will set up governments. They alone will change those governments.”

“That principle must remain uppermost in our thinking.”

“Having said that, we also recognise that, as part of Africa, we co-perate within various frameworks … with our African brothers.”

“We must resist those who want to impose their own will on us.”

“I thought I knew him before. But I think I now know him thoroughly. He is a man who will not allow a problem to defeat him. He is a man who will never accept no for an answer. He is a man also who will, using his gifted intellect, devise various ways and formulae by way of suggestions. This suggestion, does it work? No? He varies it in that tactical and tactful way. Then it becomes a suggestion that you are finally able to accept. I thought by the time we went to SADC and Professor Mutambara and I had accepted and my brother here had said no. Had to said no to the king. This man is a disloyal king. He doesn’t know kings and respect them.

“I thought that was end and President Thabo Mbeki would not move forward. But he would not accept his no for an answer.”

“I wish I was young again and proposing to girls. I would say, give me some tips. He never accepts no for an answer.”

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"Nothing is complete and thus nothing is exempt from criticism." - James Luther Adams:

Here it is - the full deal between Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai:

AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE ZIMBABWE AFRICAN NATIONAL UNION-PATRIOTIC FRONT (ZANU-PF) AND THE TWO MOVEMENT FOR DEMOCRATIC CHANGE (MDC) FORMATIONS, ON RESOLVING THE CHALLENGES FACING ZIMBABWE

ARTICLE I

DEFINITIONS

1. Definitions

The “Agreement” shall mean this written Agreement signed by the representatives of ZANU-PF and the MDC, in its two formations (“the Parties”) in fulfillment of the material mandate handed down by the SADC Extraordinary Summit on 29th March 2007 and endorsed by SADC in Lusaka, Zambia and adopted by the African Union Summit in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt.

The “Parties” shall mean ZANU-PF, the two MDC formations led by Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara respectively.

The “Government” or “New Government” means the new Government to be set up in terms of this Agreement.

ARTICLE II

DECLARATION OF COMMITMENT

2. Declaration of Commitment

The Parties hereby declare and agree to work together to create a genuine, viable, permanent, sustainable and nationally acceptable solution to the Zimbabwe situation and in particular to implement the following agreement with the aims of resolving once and for all the current political and economic situations and charting a new political direction for the country.

ARTICLE III

RESTORATION OF ECONOMIC STABILITY AND GROWTH

3. Economic recovery

3.1 The Parties agree:

(a) to give priority to the restoration of economic stability and growth in Zimbabwe. The Government will lead the process of developing and implementing an economic recovery strategy and plan. To that end, the parties are committed to working together on a full and comprehensive economic programme to resuscitate Zimbabwe’s economy, which will urgently address the issues of production, food security, poverty and unemployment and the challenges of high inflation, interest rates and the exchange rate.

(b) to create conditions that would ensure that the 2008/2009 agricultural season is productive.

(c) to establish a National Economic Council, composed of representatives of the Parties and of the following sectors:

(i) Manufacturing
(ii) Agriculture
(iii) Mining
(iv) Tourism
(v) Commerce
(vi) Financial
(vii) Labour
(viii) Academia; and
(ix) Other relevant sectors

(d) that the terms of reference of the Council shall include giving advice to Government, formulating economic plans and programmes for approval by government and such other functions as are assigned to the Council by the Government.

(e) to endorse the SADC resolution on the economy.

ARTICLE IV

SANCTIONS AND MEASURES

4. Sanctions and Measures

4.1 Recognising and acknowledging that some sections of the international community have since 2000 imposed various sanctions and measures against Zimbabwe, which have included targeted sanctions.

4.2 The Parties note the present economic and political isolation of Zimbabwe by the United Kingdom, European Union, United States of America and other sections of the International Community over and around issues of disputed elections, governance and differences over the land reform programme.

4.3 Noting and acknowledging the following sanctions and measures imposed on Zimbabwe:-

(a) enactment of the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act by the United States of America Congress which outlaws Zimbabwe’s right to access credit from International Financial Institutions in which the United States Government is represented or has a stake;

(b) suspension of Zimbabwe’s voting and related rights, suspension of balance of payment support, declaration of ineligibility to borrow Fund resources and suspension of technical assistance to Zimbabwe by the International Monetary Fund;

(c) suspension of grants and infrastructural development support to Zimbabwe by The World Bank; and

(d) imposition of targeted travel bans against current Government and some business leaders.

4.4 Noting that this international isolation has over the years created a negative international perception of Zimbabwe and thereby resulting in the further isolation of the country by the non-availing of lines of credit to Zimbabwe by some sections of the international community.

4.5 Recognising the consequent contribution of this isolation to the further decline of the economy.

4.6 Desirous and committed to bringing to an end the fall in the standards of living of our people, the Parties hereby agree:-

(a) to endorse the SADC resolution on sanctions concerning Zimbabwe;

(b) that all forms of measures and sanctions against Zimbabwe be lifted in order to facilitate a sustainable solution to the challenges that are currently facing Zimbabwe; and

(c) commit themselves to working together in re-engaging the international community with a view to bringing to an end the country’s international isolation.

ARTICLE V

LAND QUESTION

5. Land Question

5.1 Recognising that colonial racist land ownership patterns established during the colonial conquest of Zimbabwe and largely maintained in the post independence period were not only unsustainable, but against the national interest, equity and justice.

5.2 Noting that in addition to the primary objective of the liberation struggle to win one man one vote democracy and justice, the land question, namely the need for the re-distribution of land to the majority indigenous people of Zimbabwe was at the core of the liberation struggle.

5.3 Accepting the inevitability and desirability of a comprehensive land reform programme in Zimbabwe that redresses the issues of historical imbalances and injustices in order to address the issues of equity, productivity, and justice.

5.4 While differing on the methodology of acquisition and redistribution the parties acknowledge that compulsory acquisition and redistribution of land has taken place under a land reform programme undertaken since 2000.

5.5 Accepting the irreversibility of the said land acquisitions and redistribution.

5.6 Noting that in the current Constitution of Zimbabwe and further in the Draft Constitution agreed to by the parties the primary obligation of compensating former land owners for land acquired rests on the former colonial power.

5.7 Further recognising the need to ensure that all land is used productively in the interests of all the people of Zimbabwe.

5.8 Recognising the need for women’s access and control over land in their own right as equal citizens.

5.9 The Parties hereby agree to:

(a) conduct a comprehensive, transparent and non-partisan land audit, during the tenure of the Seventh Parliament of Zimbabwe, for the purpose of establishing accountability and eliminating multiple farm ownerships.

(b) ensure that all Zimbabweans who are eligible to be allocated land and who apply for it shall be considered for allocation of land irrespective of race, gender, religion, ethnicity or political affiliation;

(c) ensure security of tenure to all land holders.

(d) call upon the United Kingdom government to accept the primary responsibility to pay compensation for land acquired from former land owners for resettlement;

(e) work together to secure international support and finance for the land reform programme in terms of compensation for the former land owners and support for new farmers; and

(f) work together for the restoration of full productivity on all agricultural land.

ARTICLE VI

CONSTITUTION

6. Constitution

Acknowledging that it is the fundamental right and duty of the Zimbabwean people to make a constitution by themselves and for themselves;

Aware that the process of making this constitution must be owned and driven by the people and must be inclusive and democratic;

Recognising that the current Constitution of Zimbabwe made at the Lancaster House Conference, London (1979) was primarily to transfer power from the colonial authority to the people of Zimbabwe;

Acknowledging the draft Constitution that the Parties signed and agreed to in Kariba on the 30th of September 2007, annexed hereto as Annexure “B”;

Determined to create conditions for our people to write a constitution for themselves; and

Mindful of the need to ensure that the new Constitution deepens our democratic values and principles and the protection of the equality of all citizens, particularly the enhancement of full citizenship and equality of women.

6.1 The Parties hereby agree:

(a) that they shall set up a Select Committee of Parliament composed of representatives of the Parties whose terms of reference shall be as follows:

(i) to set up such subcommittees chaired by a member of Parliament and composed of members of Parliament and representatives of Civil Society as may be necessary to assist the Select Committee in performing its mandate herein;

(ii) to hold such public hearings and such consultations as it may deem necessary in the process of public consultation over the making of a new constitution for Zimbabwe;

(iii) to convene an All Stakeholders Conference to consult stakeholders on their representation in the sub-committees referred to above and such related matters as may assist the committee in its work;

(iv) to table its draft Constitution to a 2nd All Stakeholders Conference; and

(v) to report to Parliament on its recommendations over the content of a New Constitution for Zimbabwe

(b) that the draft Constitution recommended by the Select Committee shall be submitted to a referendum;

(c) that, in implementing the above, the following time frames shall apply:

(i) the Select Committee shall be set up within two months of inception of a new government;

(ii) the convening of the first All Stakeholders Conference shall be within 3 months of the date of the appointment of the Select Committee;

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"Nothing is complete and thus nothing is exempt from criticism." - James Luther Adams:

I suppose it's easy to be clever afterwards, but I do still believe neither ZANU-PF nor Mugabe are really committed to, or interested in the success of the power-sharing Government. They just are not. Full stop. The horse was forced to drink the water of an inclusive, power-sharing government, and it is now throwing up. It doesn't like it, because too many people will simply end up in poverty if they lose their jobs. They will all in the end, but for the moment they are still benefiting handsomely . The events of the last few days have strengthened my belief that Mugabe and ZANU-PF are playing the dirty old game of taking things to the brink, then pulling back and then taking them back to the brink again. Witness the latest shenanigans. They are designed to delay the new elections and the transfer of real power. It ain't gonna happen, my friends. It just ain't.

Oh, and by the way: Either the Government's webmaster has absconded or the official web site of the Zimbabwe Government is a true reflection of the state of affairs. No sign herer of any inclusiveness whatsoever. I didn't know Mujuru is still on the picture. What a sorry state of affairs.

Attached Images

Zimbabwe.jpg (61.3 KB, 2 views)

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"Nothing is complete and thus nothing is exempt from criticism." - James Luther Adams: