The elections conducted in Africa since 1991 had demonstrated that the political transformation achieved in Africa was not without substance. One significant improvement was that African opposition parties had combined their resources and enlisted more popular support, leading generally to a large voter turnout which undoubtedly indicates both the appetite for government change and the strengthening of democratic standards. Nonetheless, the scenarios of most recently-held African elections seem to have been written by the same melodramatic scriptwriter.

Opposition parties make allegations that the polls were dogged by every conceivable irregularity and fraud in the book, some of which will be too readily confirmed by international observers. These irregularities most prominently include the collusion of the national electoral institution which, typically with great haste and obviously under great pressure, declares the ruling party as the eventual winner of the polls. Such hurried declarations eventually trigger spontaneous anti-government protests, and the ruling party responds disproportionately by deploying policemen and soldiers by the hundreds. Then, independent local newspapers and international media report that demonstrators have suffered numerous deaths as a result of violent police actions. The public media limits itself to portraying the protesters either as crowds-for-hire or as being stirred up by the opposition parties, reflecting the ruling parties’ manifest indifference to the loss of life and thereby arousing fear and resentment among the African peoples, who become greatly embittered by the experience of elections gone astray.

From such melodramatic African elections, a number of observations can be advanced. In the first place, the African electorate is more likely to accept the results of elections if it believes that the institution managing the electoral process is impartial and ensures that rules and practices are followed. African electoral institutions too often lack political influence and appear biased in favor of the ruling parties to which they undeniably owe their existence, thereby provoking dangerous wrangles over the legitimacy of electoral results. African electoral institutions ought to be reorganized into sober, task-oriented and professionally responsible institutions.

Secondly, ruling parties disregard the fact that the primary purpose of elections is to enable citizens to choose among competing political parties, raising the real possibility of the incumbents being voted out. On the one hand, they are not able to overcome their deeply ingrained unwillingness to accept a plurality of opinions about the course of their countries’ future development. On the other hand, the ruling parties seek to adopt some semblance of democratic procedure because they need legitimation from their peoples and especially from the international community. As recent events (Lesotho in 1998, Cote d’Ivoire in 2000, Madagascar in 2001, Zimbabwe in 2002, Togo and Ethiopia in 2005, Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo in 2006, Nigeria, Egypt, Senegal and Kenya in 2007) clearly demonstrated, the passive tolerance and disturbing disillusionment of an enormous stratum of the African peoples with the ruling parties’ style, leadership and policies have produced a considerable legitimacy deficit. Thus, it would be naïve for the ruling parties of Africa to think that it will be business-as-usual for an indefinite period of time. They should recognize that they have unleashed high expectations which, if denied, can spur the very upheavals that they wish to avoid. They must also realize that, sooner or later, they will have to make a choice between genuinely embracing democracy and backsliding towards authoritarianism. The longer this decision is deferred, the greater the danger of derailing the transition to democracy and accelerating the ruling parties’ own downfall.

Thirdly, Africa’s opposition parties fail to notice their relative unpreparedness for power, and the fact that they need time to gather strength and experience. They should not squander the opportunity to overcome their sometimes disingenuous hostility towards the existing ruling party, in order to learn about state institutions and to better position themselves for upcoming elections. African opposition parties should learn how to function as an organized, united and especially responsible force operating within the boundaries of the democratic process, even if they perceive that ruling parties do not always start out with the best democratic intentions. They should acknowledge that elections are becoming relatively more open when compared to past elections. They should temper their political discourse and stop alleging, wherever and whenever possible, that the ruling party has tried to impede or influence elections. Whether the allegations have any substance or not, they will recklessly heighten the already dangerous mistrust among all stakeholders, further eroding the legitimacy of the entire electoral system.

Finally, all African political parties ought to play the democratic game of give-and-take. They must act with a sense of responsibility by moderating political rhetoric and working towards a genuine distribution of political power. The ruling parties should agree to share political power, if not in hopes of stemming the tide, at least in expectation of averting the violent upheavals that CNN, Al Jazeera or BBC publicize so enthusiastically. The entrance into power-sharing, whatever its form, undoubtedly marks the moment when the apparent decline of ruling parties is balanced by the emergence of opposition parties that have conquered the minds of many of their peoples. All African countries face many critical issues that require a credible, strong and decisive government which can command the respect of the entire people. A government without internal legitimacy is the last thing African countries need. All Africa countries face a precarious economic state, extreme dependence on conditional external assistance, a substantial part of the population living well below the poverty line and thousands of deaths from starvation and diseases every year. In such dire conditions, a volatile constituency of the marginalized and discontented can be mobilized for any cause, at any time and by anyone.
ISS